Blog Entry 3: Devastation and the Beginning of a Life Outside of China

               It has been a month since I last wrote in my journal. I had to wrap my head around too many things these past few months. It is only now that I have had the courage to write about these haunting memories.

               It occurred shortly after I wrote my conflicting thoughts about the Han. As the empire was continually expanding, the job at the frontier became increasingly difficult; we got closer and closer to Xiongnu territory, and I was continually placed further west to guard the frontier, therefore seeing my family less frequently. The last straw was when I learned I did not receive a full stipend that month (1). The administration argued it was the result of a poor harvest, but it was the third month in a row this happened. My negative feelings against the Han kept growing.

               It turns out, however, that I was not the only one. A sudden revolt occurred led by the soldiers stationed in Dunhuang. The first target was the market place as soldier sought to ransack goods and obtain their rightful payment. Taken over by anger, I partook in this revolt, threatening innocent merchants for coins and silks of any kind. Soon after, I instantly regretted my actions. Upon this savage pillaging, I came across two dead bodies. Those bloodied faces will never leave my memory. They were my son’s and wife’s bodies. My anger turned into complete sadness, regret, devastation, guilt…

               I was demented. I hated the Han, and for so long awaited such a revolt. But I hated the revolt because it killed my family. I did not know what to do, and so I just ran. I ran for hours trying to escape what I had just witnessed.

               Eventually I collapsed somewhere in the Gobi Desert. I thought it was the end of me. But that was when I met An Qian. He was a Chinese merchant heading back to Dunhuang. Upon seeing my wretched condition, he gave me food and water, and took care of me through the first night. When morning came, I regained a bit of strength and sanity, and I explained my situation. Upon listening to my distress, he decided to change course and head towards Niya, rather than back to Dunhuang.

               His kindness shocked me, and I had to ask him why he was being so kind. Trying to mollify his kindness, he answers:

-        - I’m not doing this entirely out of kindness. Based on what you told me, the situation in the frontiers is unstable, and soon the Emperor will withdraw troops from there and back to the center where he can have greater control of them. Therefore, it’s no use to do business in the frontiers if only a handful of soldiers are there. After all, they are merchants’ best customers. See my act of kindness as a ‘thank you’ for letting me know the unprofitable situation in Dunhuang. (2)

I saw through his attempt to cover up his kindness, trying to live up to the stereotype of greedy merchants. Still, being a border guard, and knowing the importance of travel documents, I was worried we would get rejected upon our arrival at Niya. An Qian was very knowledgeable however, and explained that Niya was exceptionally welcoming of Chinese merchants, and that he would be able to arrange something for me there. (3)

He was right. We managed to get in, and for a month I have been acting as his ‘bodyguard’ in the market of Niya. He does not plan on staying he for long. Once spring time comes, he plans on heading out towards Turfan. Because he trades silk and paper, he knows he will be able to make a profit in Turfan, who apparently bury their dead in clothes made with paper (4). But for now, we focus on making a profit in Niya. Everyday, I am in charge of installing our booth, and keeping record of transactions for market supervisors (5). Although technically his bodyguard, I feel more like his personal assistant. But I did not mind. This is my situation now. The regrets have not faded, and I try to keep myself busy constantly, fearing what I might do to myself if I were to contemplate what I did to my family.

(1)   Hansen explains that it was relatively common for soldiers to not obtain full payment for their services, sometimes even less than half.
Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.42.

(2)   Hansen also explains soldiers’ significant impact on trade.
Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.9.

(3)   Niya tablet #35 (or Kharoshthi document #35) shows that there were not many Chinese merchants in Niya, but that they were sought after because of their knowledge in silk. 

Burrow, T. A Translation of the Kharoshthi Documents from Chinese Turkestan, retrieved from https://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/niyadocts.html

(4)   Based on Aurel Stein’s finds from the Astana Grave, Hansen explains that people from Turfan used recycled paper to dress the deceased.

Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p84.

(5)   Hansen explains that in the 6^th-7^th centuries CE, in Sogdiana, there were market supervisors who recorded transactions in the market. Although this is much later in time, the goal was to show a plausible depiction of what market organization may have seemed like.

Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.106.

Note on Sources

In this blog entry, I try to do a lot of things. First of all, I want to push my character at his limit concerning his loyalty for the Han. Therefore, I decided to use the nuisance of not receiving a full stipend, based on Hansen’s text, as a spark for rebellion. Second of all, I wanted to integrate this week’s topic of trade with my blog, so I decided to make the person that ultimately saves his life a merchant. Their interaction allows me to hint at the importance of soldiers when it comes to trade. As stated by Hansen, “when the soldiers made many purchases at local markets, trade boomed. But when rebellion threatened the emperor and he summoned all the troops back to central China, trade fell off markedly” (9).

               As for primary sources, I use the Niya tablets, written in Kharoshthi script, to show that Chinese merchants were welcomed in Niya, and even sought after because of their knowledge of silk. It also served to explain how An Qian (the merchant) and Fei Cheng (the soldier) managed to get into the city. I also use Aurel Stein’s finds from the Astana Grave to propel An Qian’s desire to want to go to Turfan. These finds show that people from Turfan dressed their deceased in recycled paper, some of them having writing, and since An Qian sells paper, he is keen on going to Turfan. 

Blog Entry 2: New encounters and Changing Opinions

I encountered a rather particular event today. Posted at the gates of Dunhuang as usual, I witnessed a group of people from Tien-Chu (India) claiming to be missionaries and pilgrims to spread the word of the ‘Buddha.’¹ I have heard slightly about this place and their beliefs, but it was my first time encountering it. They were 12 people, including a guide from Dunhuang whom I did not recognize, but was probably returning back from a trip.² I proceeded with the regular procedures concerning the entry of foreigners, making sure they had the proper identification and were not bringing in anything illegal.³ They all had their travel passes, and indeed seemed intent on diffusing their beliefs. Upon inspection of their goods, I saw many manuscripts written in a language I did not understand, but interestingly, some of them had books with basic Han writing.⁴ There were also several charms and statuettes of a figure I assume was the “Buddha,” as well as some silks and coins. They appeared to be honest men, and I let them through. I don’t know if I was careless in this decision, but I could not think straight because another matter has been distracting my thoughts…

I have been thinking a lot about the Xiongnu. It’s my fifth year here in the garrisons of Dunhuang. The Xiongnu attacks have yet to cease. But I am beginning to question the actual ‘barbarity’ of our neighbors. How is the more powerful and greater Han having such a difficult time against a supposedly uncivilized nation? I think we misunderstood the Xiongnu. Their customs and lifestyle are fit for their environment. I have complained before of the arid and desolate landscape of Dunhuang compared to Chang’an. It is clear that cultivating the land here does not reap as much food. Why, then, the emphasis of agriculture in the northern borders when it is largely inefficient? Our steppe neighbors, understand their environment, and thus rely instead on hunting, raiding and our gifts. They use every part of their herd for food and clothing, and have thus adopted nomadism to adapt to their greatest asset: their animals. While many criticize the young eating first in Xiongnu culture, is not the Han doing the same thing by taking the produce from elderly farmers and sending it here to feed the younger troops? The Xiongnu simply have a more direct way of handling their administration, compared to our tedious bureaucracy.⁵

            However, I cannot admit this in public, as I fear my head will be brought to the emperor, which is why I am writing these thoughts in my diary. There is always the possibility of defecting, like many have already done, but I cannot put at risk my wife and children. I only hope that soon the emperor understands the harsh environment of the northern border lands, and the necessity to adapt to it.

¹ According to the silkroadfoundation.org, missionaries and pilgrims may have reached china as early as the 2^nd century bc. Moreover, the knowledge of India and Buddhism became more widely known upon Zhang Qian’s return from his travels to Daxia (Ferghana) in 125BC, where he learned of a country called Tien-Chu (India) and their Buddhist teaching. This would have given roughly a decade's worth of time for this information to spread, making it plausible for my character to have heard of India and Buddhism.
http://silkroadfoundation.org/toc/index.html

² Hansen explains that guides were very often used when travelling along the silk roads, as there was no clear path.
Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.8.

³ Hansen explains how travellers needed travel passes (guosuo) to travel into and out of China.
Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.17.

⁴ Hansen explains that Buddhists were very avid learners of language in order to spread their religion, hence the notebooks found upon our hero’s inspecting which contained basic Chinese characters.
Valerie Hansen, “The Silk Road – A New History,” (New York: Oxford University Press), p.56

⁵ This paragraph is inspired, again, by Shi Ji 110, however emphasizing the thoughts of Zhonghang Yue, who sympathized with the Xiongnu, seeing their culture as well-adapted to their environment, and less corrupted than Han’s bureaucracy.
Suma Qian. Shi Ji 110 – The account of the Xiongnu from “Records of the Grand Historian of China.”

Note on Sources

Based on our readings, the predominance of Buddhism in China comes much later in time, namely when Kumarajiva begins his project of translation. It was during the 4^th century onwards when landscape of china really started to change, with temples, cave temples, Buddhist statues, etc. But during the time period of my character (2^nd Century BC), Buddhism only just began to be introduced in China. Silkroadfoundation.org explains that by the 2^nd C BC, there were Buddhist missionaries coming into China, and that is what I base this episode from. In my first paragraph, I try to envision what may have happened when these first missionaries and pilgrims first came into china, and how a soldier would have dealt with them. 

Moreover, in this first chapter, I also try to use as much elements from Hansen’s text to depict such an interaction. Therefore, I made mention of the travel documents, the use of guides, and the fact that Buddhists were some of the most important translators on the silk road.

Lastly, I re-use Sima Qian’s Shi Ji 110 - Account of the Xiongnu, because I wanted to show a different opinion about them. This served as a source to reflect my character’s evolving judgements about the Xiongnu. 

Blog Entry 1 - Beginnings of my Journey along the Northern Border

Amid these long and melancholy winter nights, I decided to write about my experiences being stationed here in the northern western region of Dunhuang as a soldier. My name is Fai Cheng and I hate this place. It is cold, food is not plentiful, and we are constantly on the alert in case of an attack by the northern steppe nomads. How I would love to have lived in Chang’an, where my parents resided. They often tell me stories when their families had been relocated there after it had been founded as the capital by Emperor Gaozu upon the overthrow of the Qin emperor as the holder of the Mandate of Heaven.¹ I was told the capital city, unlike the arid scenery of my current location, was rich in palace structures and ritual sites: fitting for the grandeur of our Emperor.²

Why then, did my parents have to leave the comfort of the capital? It started during the second year of Emperor Gaozu’s rule. My father was sent to the northern border city of Mayi, along with a force of 300,000 men, to quell the treacherous actions of King Xin of Han.³ How could Han Xin have sided with the Xiongnu? These barbarians live opposite to the teachings of Confucian. They honor the young, and despise the old. The young eat the richest and best food, while the old eat the leftovers. Sons will marry their mothers and step mothers when their father dies.⁴ Moreover, they continually terrorize the frontier areas, causing great distress to the Empire. Whatever his reason was for allying himself with them, Han Xin’s actions initiated my father's journey to the borderlands.

The Han attack failed, and my father was posted in Mayi for an undetermined amount of years to keep defending the borders. Thus, my mother joined him. Sadly, he did not distinguish myself enough to obtain any forms of promotion or public office as he had hoped, and lived a rather modest lifestyle.⁵ Eventually, I was born and I followed my father’s footsteps and also became a soldier for the Empire. It had expanded a lot since the first emperor Gauzo’s sat on the throne, namely as emperor Wu successfully drove out the nomads from Gansu. In fact, it was after this campaign that I was then stationed in Dunhuang, a garrison town, to keep the border in check. Despite the size and strength of the Great Han, the cowardly fighting of the Xiongnu make it difficult for us to once and for all eliminate them. They come and ravage with their bows and arrows, and then disappear in an instant on their quick-footed horses as they do not see running away as dishonorable.⁶ But it seems clear to me that they need us as their neighbors.⁷ If not us, the great Han empire, who would they raid to sustain their barbaric lifestyles?

Luckily, violence has diminished as a result of a peace treaty. But my previous point stands, as it seems the Xiongnu still rely on our benevolence. Our markets are open to their people. In fact, merchants seem to have the best connection with the Xiongnu, mutually exchanging what the other lacks. Sometimes, I have had to intervene to ensure no illegal weapon deals were being done: afterall, more than once have the Xiongnu violated our peace treaties.⁸ To mitigate this, our Emperor annually sends out lavish gifts of silk, wine, and foods, as well as princesses to the Xiongnu. This exchange also serves the purpose of recognizing our Emperor as Ruler under Heaven.⁹ Yet it frustrates me. Why do we have to give them gifts, if they are supposed to be our tributes? 

--

¹ The transfer of the capital to Chang’an was suggested by Liu Ching, and was ultimately responsible for the relocation of 100,000 people to the area “within the pass” (Chang’an).
Suma Qian. Shi Ji 99 – Liu Ching and Shu-Sun Tung, from “Records of the Grand Historian of China.”

² Nylan explains that there is an increasing ritual significance and ritual identity in the capital Chang’an during the Han Dynasty. The ritual structures emerging are considered to the highest expression of ideal governance. 
Nylan, Michael; Vankeerberghen, Griet; and Loewe, Michael. 2015. “Chang’an 26 BCE: an Augustan Age in China.” Seattle: University of Washington Press.

³ Ying-Shih Yu. 2002. Nomads and Han China, in “Expanding empires: Cultural interactions and exchange in world societies from ancient to early modern times” edited by Wendy Kasinec and Michael Polushin, pp.135.

⁴ This passage was taken from the Shi Ji 110, whereby Suma Qian depicts the nomads as polar opposites to the Han.
Suma Qian. Shi Ji 110 – The account of the Xiongnu from “Records of the Grand Historian of China.”

⁵ In Li Guang’s biography by Suma Qian, he explains how Li Guang rose in ranks and public offices (as well as demote in rank) as a result of his military achievements.
Suma Qian. Shi Ji 109 – The biography of General Li Guang from “Records of the Grand Historian of China.”

⁶ Suma Qian. Shi Ji 110 – The account of the Xiongnu from “Records of the Grand Historian of China.”

⁷ Based on Barfield’s idea that the Xiongnu’s strength (as a mirror empire) ultimately relied on China’s strength (as a primary empire).
Barfield, Thomas. 2001. The Shadow Empires: Imperial State Formation along the Chinese-Nomad Frontier. In “Empires,” edited by Susan E. Alcock, Terence N. D’Altroy, Kathleen D. Morrison, Carla M. Sinopolis. Cambridge: Cambridge University press. p.15.

⁸ Barfield claims that during the Han period, trade in iron to the nomads was banned.
Ibid., p.19.

⁹ Ying-Shih Yu. 2002. Nomads and Han China, in “Expanding empires: Cultural interactions and exchange in world societies from ancient to early modern times” edited by Wendy Kasinec and Michael Polushin, pp.136.

Note on Sources

The main written source material I used for this first blog entry was Sima Qian’s “Records of the Grand Historian of China.” He was considered China’s first major historian. I felt it would be appropriate to use his work for this blog entry because his work contains a lot of information about soldiers, Chang’an, and the Xiongnu. Shi Ji 99 for example talks about the relocation of the capital towards Chang’an, suggested by Liu Ching. As the aforementioned suggests, this area “within the pass” was a better geographically located to assert control over the empire and for defense purposes. The Emperor agreed and moved over one hundred thousand people to Chang’an to establish the new capital. Therefore, I used this event to explain how my character;s family once lived in Chang’an.

In Shi ji 109, Sima Qian talks about General Li Guang, a courageous and charismatic military leader during the Han Dynasty. Interestingly, this man did not fit the mold of Sun Tzu’s ideal general described in Art of War. Li Guang was rather reckless, and often let his troops do as they please. Why then did Suma Qian decide to write about him? One reason may be because he was very well revered by his troops, and sometimes by the Emperor himself. However, the main reason Suma Qian writes about Li Guang is because he was the grand father of Li Ling: a general Suma Qian defended for rightly retreating against the will of the Emperor. Consequently, Sima Qian was castrated for this behaviour. Thus, I use this text to show that my soldier may probably not always take the same stance as the emperor, and will often times disagree with him, although not publicly fearing execution. We see a bit of this in his disagreement on giving lavish gifts to the Xiongnu. I also use this text to show the possibility of promotion and demotion based on military achievements.

             Shi ji 110 describes the Xiongnu as almost polar opposites to the Han. They are unfilial, wear weird clothes, and eat weird food. It is based on this text that I apply Han people’s sense of superiority over the Xiongnu, thus explaining my character’s bafflement towards Han Xin’s decision to join their side.

This city plan shows the grid-like nature of Chang'an, as well as all its large palace structures that Fai Cheng wishes he could have visited.

This is a map of the Han Dynasty around 2CE. Our hero's parents start their journey in Chang'an (roughly 202BCE), and then Mayi (close to Taiyuan). This first blog entry ends in the garrison town of Dunhuang (roughly 121BCE).

This is a watchtower from Dunhuang dated around the han Dynasty. This shows the arid landscape our hero is not fond of. It also hints at the military culture surrounding these border towns because of the Xiongnu threat.